In some cases, SEIU has participated, through corporate partnerships, in lobbying legislation with or on behalf of companies. In Washington State, SEIU Local joined 775 Eagle Healthcare and five other care homes to create “Washington United for Quality Nursing Home Care” to promote increased public funding for private care homes. This lobbying could ensure the necessary means to support the funding of 775 local members working in nursing homes. However, the 10-year agreement that describes this alliance for the employment service allows retirement home chains to designate houses chosen unilaterally to organize engines (and to maintain others without a union) and to prevent strikes and “negative rhetoric” against management.  In addition, some of all the state resources that the alliance receives are intended to reimburse health care corporation tax refunds and corporate taxes – corporate tax breaks that are not shared with 775 local members.  Consolidation. Complaints resulting from the same situation can be consolidated by written agreement. Neutrality constraints will work best if they are supported by good organization on the ground, as shown by the examples H-M and Zara. But that`s the thing: neutrality campaigns are an alternative strategy to directly organize workers (social mapping of the workplace, identification, agitation and education of leaders, etc.) and use their power. The NLRB indicated that it was in a position to review its views on neutrality agreements between unions and employers.
A neutrality agreement is an agreement reached by a union and an employer before the union is certified as a bargaining partner in the workplace, i.e. as part of an organizing campaign. For example, the union may ask the employer not to speak out against the union and the union may in turn agree not to pedestrianized the business. The employer and an employee may, by mutual agreement, extend the trial period by up to three (3) additional months. Under no circumstances does the trial period exceed 9 (9) months. For years, RWDSU lobbied Zara`s Spanish management while supporting New York workers. Organizers would be outside Manhattan stores and talking to workers during breaks, meeting them in cafes, identifying racist leaders and helping to gather petitions. What we were hoping for was that the American leadership would do anti-union things so that we could publicly embarrass them and then show the Spanish leadership: “Your American leadership makes you look bad by participating in these practices.” What we`ve accomplished with racist things. Finally, a neutrality agreement was drawn up, with the leaders ordered not to say anything about the union, even when asked. There were company-wide meetings where “the leaders would talk for a few minutes, then a union representative would talk for a few minutes and the workers would sign cards.” Basil recalls: “We would always have some kind of 92% cards.” As soon as these cards were signed on each site, the RWDSU negotiated a collective agreement with the company. As part of a “neutrality agreement,” employers and the SEIU agree that the employer recognizes seIU on the basis of cards obtained by SEIU and not on a secret government-supervised vote. In 2009, seIU helped guide an effort that would have legislated these “card controls” by the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA), which was deceptively designated. It failed when some Democrats in the Senate decided not to pursue the radical proposal.
On the one hand, she acknowledges that without a real organization on the ground, neutrality would not have been gained: “The racist practices we uncovered were because we were finishing up the workers.